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Wednesday, June 3, 2020

اگر طبعی نکتے سے بات کی جائے


اگر طبعی نکتے سے بات کی جائے تو نہ جانے کیوں میں کبھی لوگوں کی شکل و صورت سے متاثر نہیں ہوتی کبھی کوئی آنکھ کے رستے میرے دل میں نہیں اتر سکا مجھے لوگوں کی دل آویز شکلوں سے زیادہ خوبصورت انکی سحر خیز آوازیں لگتی ہیں عملی زندگی کے علاوہ میرا فون بھی میرے اس مزاج کی عکاسی کرتا ہے
میرے پاس شاید اسکی ایک بھی تصویر نہ ہو مگر اسکے بھیجے تمام وائس نوٹ محفوظ ہیں جنکو میں بار بار سنتی ہوں اور ہر بار اسے سماعتوں کے راستے دل میں اترنے دیتی ہوں
دل کی دھڑکنوں کا اسکی آواز کی فریکوئنسی کے ساتھ باہم ملکر میرے وجود میں محبت بھرا ارتعاش پیدا کرنے کے وہ لمحات بیحد حسین ہوتے ہیں اور مجھے یہ یقین بھی ہے کہ اگر کبھی میں اس سے خفا ہو گئی اور مجھے منانے کے لئے اسکا حربہ ناکام ہو گئے تب بھی اسکے اپنے مخصوص دھیمے لہجے میں ایک بار میرا نام پکار دینے سے میرے تمام گلے شکوے ہوا ہو جائیں گے



Tuesday, June 2, 2020

Why Payoneer is best alternative of Paypal for Pakistani freelancers



The biggest hurdle that Pakistani freelancers have faced over the year is that of non-availability of Paypal’s services for Pakistanis. This impediment has caused huge losses to our freelancers. Huge potential clients could not be signed because they could only pay via paypal and paypal didn’t offer its service in Pakistan. The irony continue for years.

All that has changed with Payoneer though. This service has truly been a godsend for Pakistani freelancers, especially in recent couple of years when it started its instant with withdrawal service for Pakistan.

The best thing about Paypal is that it offers a variety of services to freelancers that makes life much easier. A freelancer can create a bank account in various countries and continents thought its Global Payment Service.

If a freelancer is dealing with foreign company, then s/he can easily give out his/her bank account detail of that specific region to that company and get paid easily.

Currently the Global Payment Services allows a freelancer to create accounts in USA, UK, EU, Australia, Canada, and Japan. That is about 95% of the countries where a freelancer can do business.

After receiving money into your account, comes the withdrawal part. A freelancer has the choice to get a Mastercard based debit card which can be used anywhere online or at ATMs in the world where Mastercard is accepted.

The second option is withdrawal directly to one’s bank account. This too is a straight forward option and usually takes a few minutes to an hour for your funds to be deposited into your local bank account.

Payoneer has truly been a life saver of Pakistani freelancers because it came at a time when they needed it the most.





Trump in India – Assessing the Current Trajectory of Indo-US Ties

Donald Trump, right, with Indian Prime Minister Modi at a rally in Ahmedabad, India © Money Sharma/AFP/Getty


The last few days saw India pulling out all the stops for President Trump’s first official visit to the country. High on optics and bollywoodesque fanfare, the trip despite serving as a vital political boost to both leaders remained shy of any concrete agreements. At least that is what the initial consensus amongst key analysts and media pundits seems to point towards in this visit’s immediate aftermath.

This for instance was evident in the absence of a signed trade deal that would address the contentious issue of tariffs that has dogged US-India relations particularly under the Trump presidency. Similarly, while the signing of the $3bn arms deal comprising of US attack helicopters and other US military equipment was also formalized, it still pales in comparison to India’s arms deals with Russia – a country that accounts for more than half of India’s defense imports worth $15bn just in the last three years. Thus, considering the timing of Mr. Trump’s Presidential visit within the context of the looming US elections, as well as the political fallout being faced by PM Modi following his violent crackdown in Indian Occupied Kashmir and the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act, it is perhaps unrealistic to compare the strategic significance of this visit with other key US presidential visits from the past. Such as for instance, the landmark civil nuclear agreement that was signed when President George W. Bush had visited PM Manmohan Singh in Delhi in 2006.

Nevertheless, considering the trajectory of Indo-US ties since the signing of the 2006 nuclear deal, both countries’ strategic interests have converged on several key issues. The most salient of which remains their need to contain a rising China which in addition to its growing economic influence has increasingly come to challenge both the US and India’s ability to project power within South and South-East Asia. President Trump’s references to the Indo-Pacific and the ‘quad’ during this visit stand as a clear case in point. So does his mentioning of the need to have a secure 5G wireless network, a clear reference to the US’s misgivings regarding the international role and overarching influence of Chinese tech giant, Huawei.



Yet, while the indirect references to China, however veiled were still apparent, there was a conspicuous silence on key things Russia. For example, questions over whether India would face US sanctions over its $5.5bn deal with Russia over five squadrons of the S-400 Air Defense System still remain unaddressed. Last month’s statements from US State Department officials regarding whether India would face sanctions under the Countering America’s Adversary’s Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) had cast even further ambiguity on the matter. The US position as it was reported then stands that while the US was unwilling to degrade India’s defense capabilities, there was no blanket waiver offered to India for the S-400 purchase. China has already been sanctioned by the US for purchasing the S-400 under CAATSA with similar threats having been levied on NATO ally Turkey just last year.

If this issue of sanctions or a waiver had been discussed between PM Modi and President Trump in the last few days, it was not made public. In fact, according to recent reports, India in walking a diplomatic tightrope between the US and Russia seems to have instead delayed the procurement of its five S-400 missile batteries by up to another year. Whereas, earlier reports had indicated that India would take delivery of the S-400 System by October this year, more recent developments have suggested that deliveries of this system are expected to be made instead by the end of 2021. Based on this, it is likely that India may be biding some time for a possible change of heart in the US while ensuring it does not antagonize its long-standing relationship with Russia. Similarly, Russia too may have agreed to delay the delivery in order to ensure that its decades old and highly lucrative inroads within India’s military industrial complex remain intact. Especially at a time when India by flexing its economic muscles and amid a military modernization spree stands as one of the most lucrative markets for defense exporters across the world.

Based on these developments, while President Trump may have surreptitiously avoided bringing up issues directly pertaining to Russia, there is no denying that there is considerable impetus in Washington towards gaining a larger slice of India’s military-industrial pie. Hence, the inroads being made by the likes of Boeing and Lockheed Martin are likely to serve as important stepping stones for not only more lucrative deals and technology transfer agreements in the near future, but also for developing a robust strategic alliance centered on the quad framework. Hence, whereas both India and the US have embarked on this strategic partnership particularly in view of China’s expanding influence in the region, the implications of this move on Russian interests both in India and as well as the wider region may demand a lot more serious attention than what appears to have been given at the present. Especially considering how India’s historic penchant for preferring a non-aligned foreign policy runs counter to the US’s more hands-on and involved approach to international relations.



Coronavirus: Did COVID-19 leak from Chinese or US lab?



A sensational claim by Frances Boyle, the man who drafted the first multilateral disarmament treaty banning biological warfare, says that COVID-19 is a bio-weapon which was accidentally leaked from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, a level four biosafety laboratory seven miles from the epicentre of the outbreak.

Even though former Iran’s President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had the same view that the virus originated from a bio lab though he did not name any country. He said, “It is clear to the world that the mutated coronavirus was produced in a lab.”

However, some Japanese and Taiwanese epidemiologists and pharmacologists are of the view that  coronavirus almost certainly originated in the US since that country is the only one known to have all five types – from which all others must have descended. The one in Wuhan in China is only one of those types, which leads to the analogy as a kind of “branch” which cannot exist by itself but must have grown from a “tree”. And in this case, the “tree” is the United States of America.

Taiwanese physicians claim that in 2019 US had a flurry of lung pneumonias or similar cases which they blamed on vaping from e-cigarettes. The symptoms of those patients however, could not be explained by e-cigarettes. Warning letters were sent to US saying that the symptoms of those patients were similar to those of coronavirus. However, those warnings landed on deaf ears.

The interesting thing is that, immediately prior to these coronavirus like outbreak, US Center for Disease Control shut down its Military’s main bio-lab at Fort Detrick, Maryland, due to what they termed as, “absence of safeguards against pathogen leakages”. It was immediately after this closure that the e-cigarette epidemic arose.

However, despite these two opposing theories about the origin of the new strain of coronavirus. Most of the epidemiologists believe it not to be the case and that it did mutate from animals.



Papering Over the Fissures Inherent in the Afghan Reconciliation Process


Photo: Evgenia Novozhenina (Reuters)


In the wake of last month’s highly publicized peace agreement between the US and the Taliban, as well as the recently concluded Presidential elections, political turmoil in Afghanistan has once again taken center stage. While both these developments represent much welcomed progress of sorts in helping stabilize a fragile and war-torn country on the surface, there still however remain a whole host of underlying issues that have cast even greater uncertainty over the prospects of achieving lasting peace and stability. The kind of peace that would benefit not only the Afghan Nation, but the wider South Asian, Central Asian and Persian Gulf regions.

These issues include the finer points of the US’s agreements with the Taliban particularly regarding prisoner exchanges, as well as the highly public rifts within the Afghan state apparatus that have brought serious challenges to the legitimacy of its newly re-elected President and his accompanying cabinet. The kind of legitimacy which otherwise holds the key to presenting a united and credible negotiating team to represent the Afghan government in its dealings with the Taliban. Thus, taken together, these issues present dangerous obstacles which need to be overcome if the country’s nascent peace process is to stop from being derailed even before having properly begun.


 
For instance, the spectacle of two rival presidential inaugurations that were aired in split screen throughout Afghan news channels earlier this week represented the clear schism that exists within the country’s more mainstream politics. Fueled by yet another controversial presidential election result, this tussle for power between former president Ashraf Ghani and his long-time rival Abdullah Abdullah manifests the deep-rooted differences that have existed amongst Kabul’s ruling elites for almost two decades since the US toppled the Taliban. Hence, it is no surprise that both Mr. Ghani and Mr. Abdullah, despite their diverse support bases within the war-torn country, have repeatedly relied on the US as a key mediator and power broker within the Afghan political system.

These difficulties are in turn further indicative of the immense complexity associated with the many tasks assigned to the US Special Representative for Afghan Reconciliation Zalmay Khalilzad. Not only has Mr. Khalilzad been made responsible for bringing about an equitable peace deal between the US and the Taliban from a position of relative weakness, but also to reconcile the deep seeded political differences that have permeated through the Afghan democratic system, most of which are of the US’s own making. In fact, the very advent of a democratic Afghanistan since the creation of its 2004 constitution is of the US’s own making with all its so-called victo

The Afghanistan Papers that were released just a few months back have presented ample reasons for these outcomes. They have provided key insights into the unrealistic expectations and lack of appreciation on the US’s part for the extremely difficult task it had set out for itself in its ‘nation-building’ experiment. Attributed to a clear lack of goals and strategy, the US is estimated to have spent $133 billion just to have built up Afghanistan, with only rampant political instability and insecurity to show for it. What’s worse, the US (ironically along with Russia) has had to now condemn and downplay recent statements from boisterous Taliban representatives that they would soon be restoring the Islamic government that had existed before the US invasion in 2001. Hence, nullifying whatever achievements the US had to show for in terms of bringing an inclusive democracy backed by a capably enforced rule of law.

The initial catchphrases of ‘empowering’, ‘bringing freedom’ to, and ‘enabling political representation’ for the Afghan people were touted globally as huge successes. Built on the back of championing women’s rights and amidst promises of unfettered development and investment these presented as one of the many goals the US had achieved over the course of its campaign in Afghanistan . However, the succeeding lawlessness, rampant nepotism and corruption that has since plagued the Afghanistan has marred whatever political gains the US had to show for on the international stage over the last decade and half.

Rather, one of the very reasons why the Taliban have gained so much traction politically, and why they still enjoy a considerable support base amongst the local population, is primarily because of the rampant corruption and bureaucratic in-fighting that has since characterized the US backed Afghan government. It also stands as one of the primary reasons why the Taliban beyond its power as a militant force has still come to politically represent considerable swathes of the Afghan population. Thus, representing a reality which even Pakistan had been trying to get the US to realize ever since the US embarked on its hunt for Al-Qaeda in the Af-Pak theatre.

However, considering the haste and forced manner in which the US is going through with its current exit in Afghanistan, it seems there are still key lessons the US has once again ignored. Despite its attempts at fostering political reconciliation, empowering the Afghan military and police, as well as bringing about some semblance of modernity in what by US standards was an archaic country, the US is nowhere near achieving these ambitions for all its military and economic might. Instead what appear to be the primary factors driving Afghan reconciliation at the moment are the much-needed headlines and photo-ops required for an embattled president to win re-election. Not to mention the mounting domestic pressure to bring US troops back home from an unending quagmire that has seen the US sink limitless amounts of blood and treasure in. A glaring truth which no optics or spin doctoring has been able to convince the American public let alone the rest of the world.


Reconciling Public Safety and National Security Via A Renewed Focus on Bio-Security



As the broad ranging consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic wreak havoc across the global political economy, there have also simultaneously come up several issues pertaining to policy and governance particularly related to International Security. These include for instance the growing emphasis now being laid on biosecurity which under the current context of an unprecedented global pandemic has greatly exposed the failings and lack of preparedness of even some of the world’s most developed
countries.

One has to merely glance at the fast-rising death tolls in the US, UK, Italy and Spain to gauge how some of the world’s foremost economies and health services have been left devastated owing to a severe lack of preparedness. Countries which boast some of the world’s most robust military industrial and technological complexes, have been unable to otherwise safeguard not only the health and safety of their own populations, but also to preserve what can be only described as their entire way of life. Something for which they have been more than ready to go to war in the past.



Its hence no surprise that the US for instance, in its incessant need to scapegoat (or to just simply bomb)and divert mounting public outrage has been consistently directing blame towards China. This has ranged from alleging China to have deliberately engineered the virus, to holding the Chinese government accountable for having initially covered up the severity of the outbreak in a bid to safeguard
its own economic and diplomatic standing. While it is unlikely that the US would go to war with China solely over this, the dramatic deterioration in relations that has been witnessed in the kind of rhetoric and proposals that have been coming out from both countries stands as cause for grave concern for the world at large.

Yet, what’s lost amidst this blame game that has dominated headlines for over a month, has been perhaps the more important and timely discussion that had arisen on the importance of incorporating  more robust bio-security measures. This is understandable considering how the term biosecurity has itself over the last two decades come to be associated more in relation to enacting safeguards against bio-terrorism and bio-chemical weapons. Aspects that were directly based for instance on the anthrax


and smallpox scares that had dominated US policy discourse shortly after the September 11 attacks. Or for instance from the more recent threats issued by ISIS regarding the use of such weapons against Western targets. The above linked report from the Hudson institute for instance evaluates the US’s need to enact such biodefense (or biosecurity) measures within exactly such contexts.
However, it is this very context related to terrorism and homeland/national security which in dominating US policymaking circles is more attuned towards focusing on the perpetrators of such threats; be they state or non-state actors. Consequently, the whole aim of the US – and also arguably its closest allies – has been to justify its more interventionist and hands-on approach to mitigating such threats before they reach US shores. Hence, the emphasis being more on preventing such biological ‘attacks’ from occurring in the first place as opposed to dealing with them once they’ve ‘hit’.

While justifiable in its own right, what this approach however misses in its overarching focus on national security, is perhaps the more pressing need to address public health and safety domestically. Which in essence is what national security is premised on defending in the first place – an effective Civil Defense of sorts.

For instance, a widely cited comparison of the ‘Western’ response to the Coronavirus with that of certain East Asian countries such as Taiwan, Singapore, South Korea and Japan shows how these latter countries’ more recent experiences in dealing with the SARS and MERS outbreaks had contributed immensely to their relatively better responses to this pandemic. By already having in place certain
contingency and policy directives grounded more in a domestic public health and safety perspective – as opposed to an outward looking national security one – each of these states was able to mount a more coordinated, timely and socially aware response to this crisis.

Most importantly their responses had public support and sympathy directly built in to their policies which saw the overall public perception of their governments’ measures as wholly necessary and compulsory; as opposed to being forced and reactionary. This latter aspect for instance is manifest in how several countries have witnessed severe public and political backlash towards the social distancing and lockdown policies that were enacted the world over. This includes backlash witnessed in countries ranging from the US to Pakistan, where the economic costs of such policies – which once again are tied directly to externally inspired national security concerns – were given unassailing primacy over domestic public health and safety.

Talking specifically of Pakistan and its long history of being portrayed as a security state, such threats to national security from a potential bio-chem attack, are already prioritized along the lines of a potential WMD attack considering the primacy such threats hold for a Nuclear Weapon State. However, even within such military dominated approaches to bio-security, there is a still a public safety and awareness component from a Civil Defense perspective, that even in the case of any WMD attack remains already lacking. Thus, belying the prioritization afforded to deterring external threats, rather than on eliminating such shortcomings within, just like the US.

The current global pandemic has provided a rare chance to have this conversation regarding the very premises and priority this concept of Bio-security has been accorded within government policy circles. It has afforded a previously unfound impetus and political capital to enact and fund such measures. Instead of being squandered however, such impetus should be used to mitigate such lapses that have now been brought to the forefront of governance and policy discourse the world over. Unless these realities are adapted to, life is likely to become even harder in a world that has changed dramatically in just the last few months.



Monday, June 1, 2020

وہ اور آوازیں ہوتی ہیں

وہ اور آوازیں ہوتی ہیں جنکی لہریں سماعتوں سے ہوتی ہوئی دماغ تک اپنے سگنل پہچانے کے بعد ہمیشہ کیلئے ذہن سے معدوم ہو جاتی ہیں ہاں کچھ آوازیں ایسی ہوتی ہیں جو سماعت کے رستے دل میں اترتی ہیں اور وہیں مقید ہو کر رہ جاتی ہیں جنکو سن کر زندگی محسوس ہوتی ہے
دھڑکنوں کی تال کو اپنی فریکوئنسی پر سیٹ کرنے کی صلاحیت کسی خاص آواز میں ہی ہوتی ہے 
اور میرے لئے وہ آواز تمہاری ہے 🖤
تم جب بولتے ہو تو سر تا پا میرا پورا وجود سماعت بن جاتا ہے 
تمہاری آواز مجھے ساری زندگی کیلئے اپنی سماعتوں کا رزق لگتی ہے 🙃


وہ سازِ محبت پھونک کر میرے کانوں میں

وہ سازِ محبت پھونک کر میرے کانوں میں 
مجھ سے پوچھتا ہے
کیا محبت ہے؟ 
میں بے اختیار کہہ اٹھتی ہوں
ہاں محبت ہے 🙃


زندگی اور لوگ مجھے اس مقام پہ لے آئیں ہیں

زندگی اور لوگ مجھے اس مقام پہ لے آئیں ہیں جہاں میں
"لوگ کیا کہیں گے لوگ کیا سوچیں گے"
جیسی فکروں سے آزاد ہو کر اپنے آپ میں مست ہوں
جو عزت دیتا ہے اسکو دگنی عزت دیتی ہوں
جو محبت دیتا ہے اسکو سود سمیت واپس لوٹاتی ہوں
جو زندگی سے جانا چاہتا ہے اسے بے غم ہو کر جانے دیتی ہوں
جو رکنا چاہتا ہے اسے ہمیشہ اپنے ساتھ جوڑے رکھتی ہوں
جو مجھ سے بغض رکھتے ہیں یا نفرت کرتے ہیں انکے بارے میں، میں یہ فرض کرتی ہوں کہ وہ دنیا میں ہیں ہی نہیں___!!
کیونکہ میرے دل سے لوگوں کا ساتھ پانے کی ان سے الجھنے کی یا انکو خوش رکھنے کی چاہ ختم ہو چکی ہے 🖤

And verily

And verily, I am indeed Forgiving to him who repents, believes (in My Oneness, and associates none in worship with Me) and does righteous good deeds, and then remains constant in doing them, (till his death). 
(Surat Taha20:82)🥀

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